Moving from the position that nationalism does not necessarily have the nation state as its aim, but that it involves a quest for cultural, social, and economic autonomy, including institutional and cultural expression, a number of questions can be asked.
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Has the formerly hegemonic identity of apartheid abandoned whiteness as spatial mode of exclusion? How does race interact with other social categories, such as gender, class, and sexuality, in white, Afrikaans-speaking people's creation of post-apartheid spaces? If nationalism includes the desire for free institutional expression, what does this mean for the family?
In answering these questions, this article is structured as follows. First, Afrikaner identity is placed in relation to other South African identities. Its post-apartheid embattlement occurs in the context of two contemporary global-local strategies for identification that either work with either the retrogressive elements of the 'global postmodern' or the defensive mode of 'the return to the local' to elaborate entitlements.
Research is discussed that shows how Afrikaner nationalist fragments are drawn together to reclaim ethnic privileges, using the neo-nationalist strategy of what is here called 'inward migration'. The article shows how, 22 years into democracy, an Afrikaner neo-nationalism has arisen that shifts the perspective from the nation state to smaller locales, targeted to be made 'homely' again. This phenomenon is called Afrikaner enclave nationalism. Therefore, in addition to Kriel's identification of institutional and symbolic expressions as vehicles for a post-apartheid Afrikaner nationalism, this study finds a remaining territorial dimension, albeit at a much reduced scale when compared to the erstwhile Afrikaner nationalist creation of a white nation state.
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The theoretical framing of the study is sketched in the next section, followed by research that substantiates the above assertions. Afrikaner identity and postmodern global-local dynamics. At the time, the identity was a reaction to the threshold condition of 'poor whites', regarded as in imminent 'danger' of 'deteriorating' to 'the station and class' of 'the coloured' Adhikari , 14, 15; Du Toit ; Erasmus It was an aspirational identity seeking to rid itself from the stigma of deteriorated whiteness.
Afrikanerhood's nascent stirrings Bradford ; Du Toit ; Vincent , coincided with the invention of ethnicity as a social category, circa Hattam Ethnicity, compared to other categories, is without an essence or original feature but is fabricated as a 'natural community' in the past or future, with boundaries continuously being re drawn Hall ; Rattansi ; Smith It is produced through the competing and complementary routes of race and language which, articulated together, invoke the nation as a self-determined unit Balibar ; Hofmeyr Ethnicity overlaps with and operates according to a similar logic as that of race, making it impossible to contain these categorisations in relation to each other Rattansi After South Africa's democratic transition, with the apartheid imaginary in tatters, whiteness, particularly its Afrikaner permutation, is delegitimised, as 'Afrikaners cannot escape the fact that the system was put in place in their name' Steyn , emphasis in original.
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The identity's implication in apartheid, instrumental in the political, economic, and social ascendancy of Afrikaners, re-stigmatises it as morally suspect. For subjects of embattled Afrikaner identity, being white remains more important than ethnicity - a position similar to that of 'white ethnics' in the US Dyer ; Roediger Complex reworkings of ethnicity and race reinvent racism, which has proven remarkably durable. For modern subjects, racism works as a key mode of making sense about themselves and their worlds, and for producing these worlds Goldberg Ethnicity figures again, operationalised as a cultural marker Rattansi through 'cultural socialisation' Goldberg In South Africa, even 'hybridising' post-apartheid South African whiteness which included Afrikaans whiteness devises rehabilitative strategies to reinforce its grip on ethnic entitlements Steyn , The fall of official apartheid re-inducted South Africa into global circuits of meaning, at a time of seismic upheavals in identities.
Cultural theorist Stuart Hall a warns that the decline of the nation-state is a 'dangerous moment' as feeling beleaguered gives rise to narrow and defensive exclusivist national identities. He describes these vast changes compellingly. The hold of 'great collective social identities' over individuals slips, along with their impression of homogeneity Hall b Worldwide struggles for voice bring 'new subjects, new genders, new ethnicities, new regions, new communities' to the fore Hall a With the apartheid imaginary faltering, South Africans joined the fray.
Hall a contends that this conjuncture involves the disruption of the projection of a national cultural identity as standing for a national formation. The 'nation' cloaks a 'subset of identifications' that relates to other identities, also within the nation Peterson Afrikaner nationalism was operationalised by apartheid, which had been hegemonic in providing individuals with the material of meaning making, drawing on ever-adapted race, gender, and other categories Norval As the centre weakens, so the differences pull away Hall a In the wake of the collapse of apartheid certainties, new loacales arise in a proliferation of identities.
The shift is away from singular entities of power to decentralised social and economic organisation. Hall notes that shifts are met with counter-shifts. What are the moves aimed at stemming the fragmentation of apartheid identities? Hall a coins the term 'the global postmodern' to encapsulate two contradictory moments. The first is the over-concentrated capitalist economic power that paradoxically works as a homogenising force, while also living through cultural particularism and pleasure as consumption.
The second is the enclosed, defensive national cultural identity, which is nostalgic about nationalism pp. In contrast to the global postmodern, 'a return to the local' is a finding of languages about the past and hidden histories, local roots that are knowable against the standardising of the global postmodern and its 'flux of diversity' p. This reaching for grounding involves a rediscovery of ethnicity. Similar to the global postmodern, it is a contradictory terrain, and it can adopt an outward or inward-moving posture. Outward postures remember the positioning of the particular within a discourse to avoid mistaking itself for a universal identity, and to think ethnicity as a continuous process, filled with contradictions.
veybreezenloosoft.ml In contrast, inward postures can usher in a withdrawal into self-protective, exclusivist enclaves, resisting modernity in a turn towards fundamentalism. Similar to Hall's argument, Geschiere and Meyer suggest that greater flows are met with greater efforts at fixing. The 'autochthonic dream' is of a '"pure" otherless universe' Yuval-Davis para 1.
Against this background, this study applies Massey's description of space to explore Afrikaner neo-nationalist manifestations. She describes space, first, as produced through interrelations ranging from the global to the 'intimately tiny'; second, as a potential sphere for 'co-existing heterogeneity'; and, third, as 'always in the process of being made' p. Are we seeing an autochthonous 'return to the local', or an embrace of greater heterogeneity and fluidity, or a nostalgic reaching for nationalism, and how are the contradictory effects of simultaneously heterogenising and homogenising global capitalism navigated?
The next section briefly outlines the methodology of this study. In this study, identities are analysed as constructed in particular historical and institutional sites, produced by subjects individuals through discursive formations and practices by 'specific enunciative strategies' and within 'the play of specific modalities of power' Hall The excerpts from magazine texts and interviews in this chapter surface discourses that undergird these strategies. Purposive sampling was used to find respondents who self-identified as Afrikaans-speaking, white, middle-class, heterosexual women, a group about which little research exists, in either the apartheid or post-apartheid eras.
The interviews took place in Johannesburg and the northern suburbs of Cape Town in and with respondents between the ages of 30 and The aim with the discourse analysis was to deconstruct normative assumptions of the master categories of inequality, such as race and gender, and investigate the possibilities for 'a politics that is at once more complex and inclusive' McCall As per Massey's observation of the production of space as a continuous process, that also occurs at the level of interpersonal intimacies, the study sought to detect micro-level, taken-for-granted constructions.
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This approach is fruitful when studying race and racism, as the apartheid state relied on 'commonsense' understandings of race to deploy apartheid in everyday situations Posel Goldberg traces the 'routinisation of race' in racial states as suffusing the ordinary and invisibilising race. Anti-racist resistance and human rights discourses are challenged by the denial of race and the discrediting of discontent over racism, imbricated in commonsense discourses Essed , This focus on the everyday resonates with Billig's notion of 'banal nationalism' produced through ordinary and repetitive practices.
The next section analyses the discourses gleaned from the research interviews. The study finds whitening to be the form that the constant making of Afrikaans spaces takes in some metropolitan areas. These areas are situated at a distance from the main urban centres but with a sufficient concentration of infrastructure and capital to be secondary nodes of the large cities of Cape Town and Tshwane Pretoria.
Durbanville is an upper middle class area in the predominantly Afrikaans northern suburbs behind Cape Town's boereworsgordyn - a term meaning literally the 'curtain' of a sausage associated with Afrikaners, used by Capetonians to refer to the geographical language and racial divide in the city. Colloquially, it is also referred to as 'behind the boereworsgordyn'. The potential for spaces crafted from heterogeneous coexistence, as suggested by Massey, is thwarted by the operation of race under the guise of culture, as emerges in the following text.
This test was generated in an interview with a subject identified as dissident due to her critical stance on the dominant form of Afrikaner identity. In this narrative, subjects' initial opprobrium about English-speakers in an Afrikaans space drops away and is replaced with 'warmth'. The allowances made in respect of ethnicity deviating from the rule of 'speaking Afrikaans' do not apply to race, however.
Katrien 2 42 : In the Durbanville area, there is a certain Our people, our language, our tradition, our way of doing In the restaurant [where I work], there are two or three English [speaking] waiters. Afrikaans people's first comment will be 'but, oh, it's an English waiter'. It takes them 20 minutes to get used to the English waiter. Researcher: And if you were to appoint a black waiter? Katrien: Everybody knows it won't work in this specific area Researcher: Is there a specific decision not to appoint black people?
Katrien: It's never been said black on white [in writing] but it's pretty much the story behind the story, which is ridiculous to me. You get black people nowadays who speak such good Afrikaans. Researcher: Coloured people speak Afrikaans. Katrien: Exactly. It is interesting how there are still contexts that get stuck. Researcher: Let's say, hypothetically, you appointed a black person or a coloured person. What kind of reaction do you expect? Katrien: [Among the waiters], we have a little Indian guy who sometimes wears a beanie.
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If he does one thing wrong, it's immediately, 'this guy doesn't know what he's doing, he's acting like a clown But there's another waiter with tatoos whose hair hangs in his eyes, but there are never complaints about his appearance. Apposite to the analysis here is Harris's , observations on whiteness as a 'proposition imposed through subordination' and as an identity marker that is not 'inherently unifying' but constituted through the exclusion from privileges of those deemed 'not white'.
The narrative reveals the adjustability of the parameters of the ethnic whiteness being discussed here. The first is to admit English-speaking whites. The second is to allow aesthetically non-conforming white bodies. Race overrides ethnicity as a determinant of the terms of access to Afrikaans 'warmth', as English-speaking whites are eventually allowed in. The 'waiter with tatoos' is white, but the respondent omits race in describing him, confirming whiteness as the unmarked normative position in this context.
The same allowances are not made for blackness, as exclusivity enhances the value of whiteness.